Ohio Open Government News

Dispatch editorial: Bring clarity to body cams

Editorial from The Columbus Dispatch

On Thursday, the state’s largest city started equipping its police officers with body cameras. But Columbus and other cities are still waiting for the state to provide uniform standards for their use.The questions surrounding police body cameras are complex: Which officers should be required to wear them? When can they turn them on or off? And, given that the law has a presumption of openness for public records, what, if any, exceptions should be made to protect the privacy of victims and residents who have contact with officers? Should video of a brutalized rape victim be released? Most people would agree, no. But what about a video of a juvenile? What if that juvenile was Tyre King, the 13-year-old shot dead by Columbus police last year?

Decisions on withholding footage shouldn’t be left to the best intentions — or self-interest — of an individual police department. Residents of one Ohio community deserve the same protections as residents of another. This is a matter for the legislature.

Public demand for police body cameras gathered steam after several high-profile police shootings of black males around the nation. Columbus, as the nation’s 15th-largest city, wasn’t immune to these tragedies. In June, Henry Green, 23, was fatally shot by plainclothes officers who exited from an unmarked car to confront him about a gun he was carrying; and in September, King was shot multiple times as police responded to reports of an armed robbery. The cameras, proposed by Columbus Mayor Andrew J. Ginther long before those shootings, became a priority.

The first 12 Columbus officers got the clip-ons last week. While 1,432 officers will be equipped with the body cameras, the city started with its traffic division — for the reason that they rarely go into homes, sidestepping complex privacy concerns about who gets to see these videos.

Columbus Police Chief Kim Jacobs said the city is hopeful that the legislature will soon develop exemptions to public-records laws that would allow them to shield private spaces from public viewing.

Whatever exemptions are created should be limited and narrow. The presumption under Ohio law is that police recordings are public records. In a ruling last month, the Ohio Supreme Court unanimously found that police dashboard-camera videos are public records. It then follows that video recorded by a camera attached to an officer's uniform should be treated likewise.

“If one of the stated goals of having these body cameras is to increase transparency and accountability, that’s not going to be accomplished if it’s too easy to say, ‘No, you can’t have it,’ ”said Dennis Hetzel, executive director of the Ohio Newspaper Association. “That would be bad policy. And the police, if anything, will lose credibility if it’s all too easy to restrict access to it.”

To guide Ohio to a thoughtful, statewide body-camera policy, Hetzel and the association have put together a set of policies that balance public access with privacy concerns (http://bit.ly/1UJAZ5z).

This isn’t just a Columbus issue. These body cameras are likely to show up as routine equipment throughout the state, to protect officers against false claims and to protect residents against improper use of force. They represent a new way of policing, and a substantial investment for taxpayers; the cost to Columbus is more than $9 million over five years.

The legislature, having failed to take action on a camera-policy bill last year, is now in a position of playing catch-up. It should do so.

Ohio Supreme Court: Police records must be released to public

From The Dayton Daily News

In a victory for open government, the Ohio Supreme Court ruled Wednesday that police investigation records are public documents once a suspect’s criminal trial concludes.

The court ruled 5-1 that most of the records sought by the Ohio Innocence Project from Columbus police since 2013 must be turned over.

The decision will likely reverse a practice by police departments across Ohio to withhold investigative records until all potential proceedings are exhausted or the defendant dies.

The court said that under Ohio’s open record laws, the lawyer requesting defendant Adam Saleh’s file from Columbus police “had a clear legal right to the requested records and that respondents had a clear legal duty to provide the records,” said Justice Paul Pfeifer, writing for the majority.

Ohio Innocence Project Director Mark Godsey called it a huge win for justice.

“When we first started investigating post-conviction cases in Ohio in 2003, the police regularly turned over files to us in response to public records request. By about 2010, after we had used those records to exonerate a number of people, many police departments started stonewalling us, which made it difficult to investigate claims of innocence. This ruling will go a long way to helping us correct injustices,” Godsey said. “And it is a huge win for transparency in Ohio.”

Dennis Hetzel, executive director of the Ohio Newspaper Association, said: “It’s an important, long-sought ruling to ensure that potentially exonerating evidence can’t be withheld until after the defendant is dead. The Ohio Coalition for Open Government is proud to have supported the appeal in this case.”

The Ohio Innocence Project, based at the University of Cincinnati law school, investigates and litigates cases of wrongful conviction of Ohio prisoners. To date, it has helped free 23 people. Before accepting a case, the Innocence Project investigates claims of innocence — often using police records — to determine whether the defendant merits assistance.

In 2007, Saleh, 30, was sentenced to 38 years to life in prison for the murder, kidnapping and attempted rape of aspiring model Julie Popovich, 20.

Saleh was seen leaving a bar with Popovich shortly before she disappeared, made cellphone calls that night within a mile of where her body was discovered and wrote letters to people trying to set up phony alibis, Franklin County Prosecutor Ron O’Brien has said, arguing the evidence against Saleh was overwhelming.

Saleh lost an appeal and had no pending proceedings in 2013 when the Innocence Project asked the Columbus Division of Police for records on Saleh’s case. Columbus rejected the records request, citing a 1994 court case that allows the withholding of specific investigatory work product.

Ohio is not alone in restricting the release of police records, but many states, including Florida, Georgia and Idaho, generally require the release of closed files.

Martin Yant, a Columbus-based private investigator and former journalist who investigates claims of wrongful conviction, said: “Anyone who believes in justice should be satisfied with this ruling because it provides for transparency in the most important types of investigations where there are questions about guilt…When a case is over and it is no longer under appeal, what is wrong with going back and taking a second look? We have proven time and time again that mistakes are made.”

In another ruling released Wednesday, the Ohio Supreme Court said crime victims can file civil lawsuits based on most criminal acts, even when financial compensation isn’t authorized by law.

U football crisis: Train wreck of a privacy law made matters worse

From The Star Tribune

The abortive University of Minnesota football walkout could have been avoided if the university had been more forthcoming about the seriousness of disciplinary charges that led to the removal of 10 players from the Holiday Bowl roster.

It took the leak of internal investigative documents to a local TV station to awaken Gopher players to the severity of sexual-misconduct allegations against their teammates. It shouldn’t have.

Time and again in the course of the bowl-boycott saga, the U cited the federal Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act as an excuse for being opaque about its disciplinary practices. Coach Tracy Claeys even claimed that FERPA forbade him from disclosing the number of student-athletes that the U had recommended for expulsion.

FERPA is a train wreck of a statute. Intended to protect only the confidentiality of “education records,” the law has become a catchall excuse for educational institutions to avoid accountability.

In New York, a grieving family was told that if they wanted to see the video of the football game where their son was fatally injured, they’d have to take the school to court because videos of football games are “FERPA education records.” In California, a mother nearly had to sue to get the scores of her own children’s swimming meets. If your child comes home beaten up on the school bus and you ask to see the surveillance video to identify the attackers, prepare to be turned away — because, yes, that privacy law.

Even statistics increasingly are being concealed under the blanket of FERPA. In Ohio, you can’t find out how many times guns were brought into your child’s school, because the state Department of Education claims revealing the data would — how, nobody can explain — compromise federally protected privacy rights.

Congress drafted FERPA in 1974 with one narrow purpose in mind: To keep K-12 schools from disclosing psychological evaluations and similar documents to law enforcement before parents had the opportunity to inspect and correct them for misleading information. But thanks to aggressive lawyering by secretive colleges — and “home cooking” from deferential state-court judges — the statute has been judicially expanded beyond all rational boundaries. One Ohio court even classified e-mails between a football coach and a booster suspected of offering cars to recruits as “education records.”

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Ohio Supreme Court finds delayed release of body cam video in police shooting death 'reasonable'

From The Plain Dealer Hamilton County officials were within the law to withhold body camera footage for six business days after a University of Cincinnati police officer fatally shot a man during a traffic stop, the state's highest court ruled Tuesday.

But the much-anticipated decision did not address concerns about whether police body camera videos are public records and when they fall under the public records exemption for confidential law enforcement investigation records.

The Cincinnati Enquirer, Associated Press and four southwest Ohio TV stations had sued Hamilton County Prosecutor Joe Deters in July 2015 for failing to immediately release body camera footage from the shooting of Cincinnati resident Samuel DuBose.

Deters withheld the video out of concern for the officer's right to a fair trial. But two days after the suit was filed, a grand jury indicted officer Ray Tensing and Deters released the video.

The Ohio Supreme Court, in a 7-0 opinion, found the delay was reasonable under state public records law, which does not set an exact time frame for when records must be made available. The court denied statutory damages and attorney fees to the news organizations.

"Because the prosecutor was entitled to review the video to determine whether any redaction was necessary and produced the body-camera video six business days after it was initially received by his office, we conclude that he responded in a reasonable period of time," Justice Judith Ann Lanzinger wrote for the majority.

Deters said the decision should put to rest the news organizations' belief that the video should have been released immediately.

"This is an important victory for law enforcement and our entire community in that it lets the prosecutor do his job to investigate cases before material is released to the media potentially jeopardizing future prosecution," Deters said in a statement.

Attorneys for the news organizations argued body camera footage should be treated the same as officer incident reports, which are public records. The court did not address this point in its narrow opinion.

Dennis Hetzel, president and executive director of Ohio Newspaper Association and president of the Ohio Coalition for Open Government, was pleased the ruling didn't change the presumed openness of body cam videos. But Hetzel said the ruling could embolden agencies to unnecessarily delay releasing records.

The court dismissed the Enquirer, WCPO and WXIX from the case because they never made records requests of Deters. Instead, they had requested the video from the University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati Police Department or both. Those original requests were made nine days before Deters released the video.

"This ruling could encourage government agencies to play musical chairs with possession of public records when they don't want to release something," Hetzel said. "Particularly given the importance of this video to the public, we believe it should have been released sooner."

Earlier this month, the court ruled police dash camera videos must be made public, but portions can be redacted, in another case brought by the Enquirer.

Vindicator editorial: Ohio’s Sunshine Law easy to follow if you’re inclined

Editorial from The Vindicator The press in general – and this newspaper in particular – are too often obliged to fight what we call Sunshine battles, when public entities inadvertently or purposely violate open meetings or public records laws.

These cases result in wasted time and money by the public entity, the press and, sometimes, public- minded citizens who take the role of watchdogs.

Few of these Sunshine disputes have happy endings, but a recent incident in Trumbull County is an exception. It didn’t start out well, when reporters learned that Trumbull County commissioners had held two days of budget hearings without having notified the public or the press. But we have to commend Prosecutor Dennis Watkins – with whom this newspaper has had its public-access disagreements in the past – and William J. Danso, an assistant prosecuting attorney, who sent commissioners a three page-letter that should be read by every elected official in the county.

The letter lays out in detail how the unannounced budget hearings were a likely violation of the state’s open meetings law, how courts have viewed similar actions by other public bodies and how commissioners could best rectify their error.

Most importantly, Watkins and Danso used as the lynchpin of their explanation a phrase from the state’s open meetings law that it “shall be liberally construed to require public officials to take official action and to conduct all deliberations upon official business only in open meetings unless the subject matter is specifically excepted by law.”

Note the use of shall, all and specifically in that phrase. It doesn’t take a lawyer to recognize that the Legislature was sending a clear message that public officials must conduct the public’s business in the open.

There is no excuse for public officials to be ignorant of what the law requires, and yet, there is no shortage of instances where those officials – often elected and sometimes appointed – choose to interpret the law to their benefit, not that of the citizenry.

Public interest

In the Trumbull County case, the failure to announce the budget meetings was a clerical oversight that resulted in two days of hearings that addressed some of the county’s most pressing financial challenges being held out of view of the press and the public. How the county is going to use its dwindling financial resources to provide vital services, including safety services provided by the Sheriff’s Department, is of obvious public interest.

The prosecutor’s office recommended the best possible solution: Hold new hearings and make the proper public announcement of the rescheduling. The alternative would have been for the commissioners to risk a subsequent challenge to any action they took on the budget because those actions would have been grounded on deliberations that were conducted behind closed doors.

Wisely, the commissioners accepted that counsel.

Contrast that attitude toward conducting the public’s business within the letter and the spirit of the Sunshine law with some of the contortions we have witnessed in the past by other boards and other legal advisers.

In March, Mahoning County commissioners went behind closed doors twice to discuss lead levels detected in tap water at the county-owned Oakhill Renaissance Place. One of the rationales Prosecutor Paul J. Gains offered at the time was that state law allows commissioners to go into a closed session to discuss labor-union grievance, Workers Compensation claims and civil lawsuits. But no grievances, compensation claims or lawsuits had been filed – or even threatened. Instead of liberally construing the law toward openness, commissioners and Gains chose to look into their crystal balls and see a possibility they used to justify discussing matters of clear public interest out of the public eye.

Recent years also have seen violations of the “liberally construed” clause or outright assaults on openness by a number of area school boards, various county offices, the Mill Creek MetroParks Board and several city councils and township boards of trustees.

Almost none of those assaults on the public’s right to know would have happened had the officials involved simply followed the mandate of the law and the recently offered advice from the Trumbull County prosecutor: construe the law liberally toward openness.

Ohio Supreme Court rules attempted acts of violence not eligible for expungement

From Court News Ohio The Ohio Supreme Court ruled today that attempted robbery is a crime of violence and that someone convicted of it is statutorily ineligible to have the record of conviction sealed.

In an 7-0 opinion written by Justice Paul E. Pfeifer, the Supreme Court reversed an Eighth District Court of Appeals’ decision and upheld a trial court’s decision not to seal the record of an attempted-robbery conviction in a 2000 Cuyahoga County case.

“We hold that attempted robbery is a crime of violence and that, pursuant to R.C. 2953.36, a person convicted of that crime is ineligible to have the record of that conviction sealed,” Justice Pfeifer wrote.

State Reduces Charges, but Includes Attempt Statute The focus of this case, Justice Pfeifer explained, is an attempted-robbery charge under R.C. 2911.02(A)(3) and 2923.02 that remained after the state amended its initial charges stemming from a March 2000 incident.

V.M.D. was 18 years old at the time he was indicted by a Cuyahoga County grand jury on two counts of aggravated robbery. Each count had firearms specifications. He also was indicted on one count of complicity in the intimidation of a witness. The young man, who was charged in Berea Municipal Court, pleaded not guilty to the charges in April 2000.

Three months later, the state amended the charges from aggravated robbery to robbery – from a first-degree felony to a third-degree felony. The state amended the count further by adding the attempt statute, a violation of R.C. 2923.02, making the offense a fourth-degree felony, and also removed the firearms specifications because the gun used in the incident was a toy gun that was not in V.M.D.’s possession during the attempted-robbery incident.

The state dropped the second aggravated robbery count and amended the complicity-to-commit-intimidation count by incorporating the attempt statute, making it also a fourth-degree felony.

During a trial court hearing, the court explained to V.M.D. that the amended robbery charge meant that the state believed that he “did, in attempting or committing a theft offense, or in fleeing immediately after, attempted to use or threatened the immediate use of force against another person.” The defendant pleaded guilty to the amended charges, and the court’s journal entry showed the court found V.M.D. guilty of attempted robbery and guilty of attempted complicity in the commission of intimidation. The court sentenced the teen to 18 months of community control in September 2000.

In late December 2001, the trial court terminated V.M.D.’s community control and discharged him early based on a probation department recommendation.

‘An Attempt to Attempt to Commit Robbery’ More than a decade later, in June 2013, V.M.D. applied to the trial court to seal the records of his conviction. The state objected to the request, arguing that R.C. 2953.36 prohibits the sealing of records when the conviction is for an offense of violence when the offense is a felony. V.M.D., however, argued that his conviction under the robbery statute and the attempt statute “created a legal fiction” because “R.C. 2911.02(A)(3) already contains an attempt element without the incorporation of the attempt statute.”

V.M.D. went on to argue that adding the attempt charge “resulted in his pleading guilty to an attempt to attempt to commit a robbery.” The trial court rejected the argument and denied his application to seal the record of his felony conviction.

V.M.D. appealed the trial court’s decision to the Eighth District Court of Appeals, which cited the Ohio Supreme Court’s 1999 decision in State ex rel. Gains v. Rossi that “the expungement provisions were crafted to be in fact remedial in nature and ‘must be liberally construed to promote their purposes.’”

The appellate court used the term “expungement” in this case, while current statutes refer to “sealing.”

In its decision, the appellate court stated, “When the underlying offense itself contemplates attempt, and the defendant was charged with an attempt of that offense, the element of violence is simply too removed for the defendant to be automatically precluded from expungement.”

The Eighth District also pointed out that V.M.D. was young at the time of the incident, has been “gainfully employed” in the years since, and has been a law-abiding citizen for the past 12 years. “(V.M.D.) certainly appears to be the sort of person the expungement process was designed to benefit,” it wrote, concluding that a sealing of V.M.D.’s record and should be allowed, thus, reversing the trial court’s decision.

The state appealed the Eighth District’s decision to the Supreme Court, which agreed to hear the case.

‘The Threshold of Eligibility’ The Supreme Court found that the pertinent statute is both clear and unambiguous as it relates to eligibility for sealing of court records.

“There is no room for interpretation in this case,” Justice Pfeifer wrote. “The General Assembly has determined that an attempt to commit a violation of R.C. 2911.02 is an offense of violence. Records of felony convictions of offenses of violence cannot be sealed.”

He also pointed out that a person convicted of a crime “has no substantive right to have the record of that conviction sealed. The sealing of the record of a conviction ‘is an act of grace created by the state,’” he wrote citing the Court’s 1996 State v. Hamilton decision.

The justices held that while a trial court must use some discretion in determining whether an applicant has been rehabilitated to the court’s satisfaction when considering whether to seal an applicant’s record of conviction, the court first must determine the applicant’s eligibility.

“He must first cross the threshold of statutory eligibility,” Justice Pfeifer wrote. “Accordingly, expungement should be granted only when an applicant meets all the requirements for eligibility set forth in R.C. 2953.36.”

Statute is Clear The Court held that R.C. 2953.36 “speaks for itself.” Citing its 2006 decision in State v. Kreischer, the Court stated there is nothing for a court to interpret or construe “when the General Assembly has plainly and unambiguously conveyed its legislative intent.” R.C. 2953.36 precludes the sealing of records for certain convictions, it stated, and V.M.D.’s conviction of attempted robbery puts him in that category.

Addressing the act of attempted robbery, the Court stated the General Assembly rendered such a review irrelevant because every attempted robbery is by definition an offense of violence.

“The process of sealing a record of conviction does not consist of the general evaluation of a person’s soul – it is statutory,” Justice Pfeifer wrote.

Plain Dealer editorial: Ohio's death-penalty secrecy shrouds too much crucial information for executions to resume

Editorial from The Plain Dealer The Ohio Bill of Rights forbids the state from inflicting cruel and unusual punishments. But the shameful secrecy imposed by a 2014 Ohio law makes it impossible for citizens to judge whether the method the state plans to use starting next month to resume executing prisoners violates that prohibition or other aspects of Ohio law.

We have long opposed capital punishment. It is erratically imposed -- more often than not, carried out against those without means. Death-penalty appeals cost taxpayers plenty and pain victims' families. And there's always the possibility an innocent person will be executed.

Yet whether an Ohioan favors or opposes the death penalty, there are serious questions about whether Ohio's administration of lethal injection is constitutional.

The state's first lethal injection law, signed 15 years ago by Republican Gov. Bob Taft, says Ohio must use "a drug or combination of drugs of sufficient dosage to quickly and painlessly cause death."

Convicted murderer Dennis McGuire isn't alive to testify whether his January 2014 execution, Ohio's most recent, was painless. But his execution wasn't quick, after the state was forced to use an experimental combination of two drugs on McGuire because makers of a preferred drug in its execution cocktail had forbidden its use for executions.

A witness of McGuire's execution, Alan Johnson of The Columbus Dispatch, reported that, about five minutes after the drugs started flowing, McGuire visibly "struggled, made guttural noises, gasped for air and choked for about 10 minutes" then "issued two final gasps and became still." It was 24 minutes into the process before he was pronounced dead.

True, as Johnson also reported, McGuire's death "wasn't the terrifying, brutal death he inflicted on his 22-year-old victim in 1989." The murder of Joy Stewart, of Preble County's West Alexandria, also denied life to her unborn son.

Ohio's next execution, the first since McGuire's, is set for Jan. 12, when Ronald Phillips is scheduled to die for the 1993 Summit County rape and murder of his girlfriend's 3-year-old daughter.

For Phillips' execution, an Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Correction spokeswoman confirmed, the agency intends to use a three-drug mixture -- a combination of midazolam, rocuronium bromide and potassium chloride. The spokeswoman added that the department has "all three drugs in its possession" and that they're "FDA approved" but she would not comment as to the source, citing the 2014 shield law.

The blanket secrecy surrounding Ohio executions makes it impossible for Ohioans to know whether the state is overpaying for drugs and who is benefiting, or whether Ohio's constitutional ban on cruelty is being traduced in their names.

Executions in Ohio should not resume until this repugnant silence on a matter of grave public importance is lifted.

Blade editorial: Let’s see dash-cam videos

Editorial from The Blade State troopers’ dashboard-camera recordings are public records and must be released, but they can be redacted, the Ohio Supreme Court ruled last week.

To promote the trust both law enforcement and the community rely on, these recordings should be available to the public with minimal redaction.

The case concerned video of a Highway Patrol chase and its aftermath.

The law says a “device” that documents the work of a state agency is a record, “regardless of physical form,” the court said. And dash-cams record the work of state law-enforcement officers. So the videos are public records.

But the court also held that some dash-cam video can be withheld under the records law’s exception for “specific investigatory work product.” That exception, the court explained, is meant to make sure investigators can “gather, assemble, and prepare case information and theories ‘without undue and needless interference.’” Not all dash-cam footage that contains “potential evidence” is exempt, according to the court. But some is.

In this case, the court ruled that one bit of video, in which a trooper reads a suspect his rights and questions him, is exempt. The trooper conducted the interrogation away from public view, the court notes, and reading the suspect his rights reflected her intent to gather statements that could be used at trial. That made that 90-second excerpt work product that the government didn’t have to release.

The court is right that investigators must be able to gather evidence and theorize without undue interference. But dash-cam videos aren’t the troopers’ private notes. They show troopers’ interactions with suspects and other citizens, which the public has an interest in seeing. We would not want the police to refrain from taking notes they wouldn’t want the public to read. But we also do not want them to treat suspects in ways they wouldn’t want the public to see.

Law-enforcement agencies need the public to trust them in order to do their job. And the community needs law enforcement to do its job to keep us safe. When the community can observe troopers’ work through their dash-cams, that contributes to the trust the troopers and the people they serve both need.

The Ohio Supreme Court is the final authority on what existing Ohio laws mean. But the General Assembly can change those laws. It should do so and make all police dash-cam footage available to the public unless an investigation would be compromised. This ruling was a step in the right direction. But the legislature should take another step.

Ohio Supreme Court rules on Enquirer suit: Dashcams are public record

From The Cincinnati Enquirer The Ohio Supreme Court ruled Tuesday that most dash camera footage is a public record, but portions can be withheld as part of a criminal investigation.

Any request for dashcam footage should be reviewed on a case-by-case basis, the court ruled in a 7-0 decision.

"This is a very significant victory for the public’s right to know," Enquirer attorney Jack Greiner said.

The lawsuit stems from a request from The Enquirer, which requested dashcam footage from a high-speed chase on Interstate 71 in January 2015. Aaron Teofilo, 19, of Alabama, led police on a chase for about 15 miles before crashing near Norwood.

The Ohio Department of Public Safety denied the request for footage, so The Enquirer sued in March 2015. The footage was released in May 2015.

The Supreme Court determined that the OSHP should have promptly released to The Enquirer more than an hour of video from three dashcam recordings of the January 2015 police chase.

"Under even the most generous view of investigative work product, these images held no investigative value and should have been disclosed," wrote Justice Judith French.

Just a small portion of that footage, about 90 seconds, could have been withheld — when the trooper took the suspect to her patrol car, read his Miranda rights and questioned him.

​"We appreciate the guidance that the Ohio Supreme Court decision has provided," OSHP Lt. Robert Sellers said.

All dashcam recordings shouldn't be shielded "merely because they contain potential evidence of criminal activity that may aid in a subsequent prosecution," French wrote. "A case-by-case review is necessary to determine how much of the recordings should have been disclosed."

The court declined to award The Enquirer attorney fees because OSHP used its best judgment given confusion surrounding whether dashcam footage should be released. Statutory damages were denied because The Enquirer used email rather than certified mail or hand delivery to submit their records request.

That is in line with current law, which might need updating, said Dennis Hetzel, executive director of the Ohio Newspaper Association. "That’s probably something we should try to fix in the statute at some point," he added.

Justice William O'Neill commended The Enquirer for pursuing the case even though attorney fees were unlikely.

"The Enquirer could have saved attorney fees by abandoning this action as soon as the records were produced but it did not, and the law of Ohio is more easily understood as a result of their tenacity," wrote Justice William O'Neill, who would have awarded fees.

The Enquirer, Associated Press and four local television stations also asked the Ohio Supreme Court to weigh in on whether body camera footage is a public record. That case has not yet been decided.

Mt. Sterling council scolds member as law suggests executive session not valid

From The Madison Press Mount Sterling’s village council voted to formally reprimand one of its members for a Facebook post during Monday’s meeting, but appears to have violated public meetings laws while doing so.In a formal resolution, council “admonished” member Diane Spradlin for her social media posts last month on the “Current Events in Mt. Sterling” Facebook group. The post was regarding her disagreements with proceedings during special meetings to decide on a health insurance plan for the village’s employees.

Monday’s council meeting opened with an executive session to discuss “personnel matters.” Immediately after council exited the executive session, Spradlin stomped out of the meeting.

She confirmed with The Press on Tuesday that the resolution was the topic of the executive session.

But according to the Ohio Revised Code, “A public body may not hold an executive session to consider the discipline of an elected official for conduct related to the performance of the official’s duties or to consider that person’s removal from office.”

Council also did not detail the purpose of the personnel discussion, another possible violation of the Ohio Revised Code. Council members refused to comment on the resolution when asked Monday night, with Mayor Lowell Anderson saying that the resolution explained itself.

“Most of us, and I for one, will not give any more comment on what is right here, and I think that’s the consensus of the council,” he said.

Spradlin told The Press on Tuesday she would not comment at length on the resolution, but that she planned to write a rebuttal soon.

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Local governments hide public records, face few consequences

From The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel For more than three decades, Nick Maravell and his family farmed on a 20-acre plot in suburban Maryland, tucked between the Potomac River and megamansions in Potomac, a tony suburb that is home to powerful lobbyists, government contractors and other wealthy families.

Nick’s Organic Farm, a relaxed place where customers would stop by to pick up some vegetables or simply drop in for a chat, was a tenant on land owned by the county public school system. But one day in 2011, Maravell got some bad news. Montgomery County’s top elected official and his aides had been negotiating in secret to get the school board to kick out Maravell’s farm and rent the site to a private soccer club.

“It caught everybody by surprise,” said Curt Uhre, a neighbor.

Residents who cherished the farm quickly rallied to Maravell’s side. Worried about traffic and the potential loss of open space, they began researching the county’s proposal to convert the farm to soccer fields.

During the legal fight, they also began learning about Maryland’s open records law. Used frequently by journalists and business interests, the state’s public records law allowed them to seek government documents — memos, officials’ calendars and other items — that might offer clues to how the deal was done or hints about who had been speaking with whom, when the plans were hatched and why.

But when residents asked for those documents, they hit a wall: Montgomery County government officials said they could not find many emails, letters and calendars related to their search.

This seemed preposterous, so the residents took the only route available to them — they went to court. A skeptical county judge urged the government to look anew for missing documents. Officials soon managed to find most of what the residents had sought.

The details weren’t pretty.

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Cincinnati Enquirer and other media outlets may sue judge in Ray Tensing murder trial over access issues

From The Cincinnati Enquirer The judge presiding over the Ray Tensing murder trial now has outside counsel after learning The Enquirer and other media outlets might sue over camera placement in the courtroom and other public access issues.

It's expected to cost roughly $250 to $350 an hour, though no set rate has been determined. That's standard when outside counsel is hired. The prosecutor's law enforcement trust fund will cover the cost because the issue behind the request is making sure there is public access to the courtroom and keeping public peace.

This is the first time an outside lawyer has been called in to help with the media. But Hamilton County Prosecutor Joe Deters is personally prosecuting the case and there is intense community scrutiny, said Jim Harper, Chief Deputy of the Hamilton County Prosecutor's Office civil division.

"We wanted a second opinion so everyone is treated fairly," Harper said.

Harper made the decision after speaking to Common Pleas Court Judge Megan Shanahan, who is presiding over the case.

The judge presiding over the Ray Tensing murder trial now has outside counsel after learning The Enquirer and other media outlets might sue over camera placement in the courtroom and other public access issues.

It's expected to cost roughly $250 to $350 an hour, though no set rate has been determined. That's standard when outside counsel is hired. The prosecutor's law enforcement trust fund will cover the cost because the issue behind the request is making sure there is public access to the courtroom and keeping public peace.

This is the first time an outside lawyer has been called in to help with the media. But Hamilton County Prosecutor Joe Deters is personally prosecuting the case and there is intense community scrutiny, said Jim Harper, Chief Deputy of the Hamilton County Prosecutor's Office civil division.

"We wanted a second opinion so everyone is treated fairly," Harper said.

Harper made the decision after speaking to Common Pleas Court Judge Megan Shanahan, who is presiding over the case.

The Enquirer learned lawyer Mark Landes from the law firm Isaac Wiles in Columbus was hired after Enquirer lawyer Jack Greiner was told Tuesday to discuss further issues with Landes. Previously Greiner had been dealing with Court Administrator Pat Dressing,

"As soon as Judge (Megan) Shanahan learned that local media was considering bringing a lawsuit about cameras in the courtroom and access to juror questionnaires, she knew she might need an attorney to represent her," Dressing wrote in a provided statement. "Since the lawyer for all county judges is Joe Deters (who is one of three prosecutors arguing the case against Tensing), Judge Shanahan asked the top civil attorney in the prosecutor's office to assign her an outside law firm so she could avoid being represented by someone who is already a lawyer in the Tensing case."

Shanahan preferred a firm outside of Cincinnati and one with experience representing judges, Dressing said. Landes and his firm have been selected by the Ohio Supreme Court to represent judges in two appellate districts.

Dressing added Landes is advising the judge solely on issues "surrounding the news media and potential legal issues with them."

Greiner, who has represented the Enquirer in hundreds of cases, said "in my experience, it is unusual for a county official to use outside counsel."

"Typically they rely on the prosecutor's office," Greiner said.

For instance, during the case against suspended Hamilton County Juvenile Court Judge Tracie Hunter outside counsel was ultimately appointed, but primarily because Hunter fought for the right to hire her own lawyer.

The Enquirer spent the early part of the week fighting for greater camera access to the court after early placement allowed for little to be shown to the public. That changed Thursday in the wake of a conversation between Greiner and Landes, who drove to Cincinnati to discuss the issue, came to an agreement after court Tuesday.

The Enquirer has also requested completed jury questionnaires, which editors, reporters and counsel believe are public record. The Enquirer does not want to name jurors. It is seeking racial and demographic information about the entire pool of 200 jurors.

Tensing, a former University of Cincinnati police officer, is facing charges of murder and involuntary manslaughter for the July 19, 2015 fatal shooting of Sam DuBose during a traffic stop. The trial got underway with jury selection Monday. Opening statements were heard Tuesday. Jurors heard the first testimony Wednesday.

Nominations sought for Champion of Open Government award

The Ohio Coalition for Open Government (OCOG) is seeking nominations for the second annual Champion of Open Government award. The award will recognize those individuals and groups who have worked to improve open government in Ohio.

CHAMPION OF OPEN GOVERNMENT AWARD

The Champion of Open Government (COG) Award recognizes the passion and mission of ongoing advocacy and contributions to open and transparent government in Ohio. Recipient can be either an individual or organization, including but not limited to:

  • Journalists (Traditional Print; Radio/TV Broadcast; Digital)
  • Government officials/legislators/judicial officials
  • Anyone representing a level of government from a Township Trustee to Governor, and every elected or appointed official in between.
  • Any citizen or lawyer.

Nomination(s) should be sent to Jason Sanford at jsanford@ohionews.org. Nominations should include the name of both the nominee(s) and the person submitting the nomination; contact information; a brief one page synopsis of the nominee’s particular accomplishment; and any other support information (news clippings, links, etc.) that may help the judges to decide.

 Deadline for nominations is December 15, 2016.

Judging will be completed by a panel of engaged and knowledgeable professionals appointed by the OCOG board of directors.

The award will be presented during the ONA Annual Convention in February, 2017.

OCOG is a tax-exempt 501 (c)(3) corporation established by the Ohio Newspapers Foundation in June 1992. The Coalition is operated for charitable and educational purposes by conducting and supporting activities to benefit those who seek compliance with public access laws. It is also affiliated with a national network of similar state coalitions.

Appeals court tosses death-row inmates' lawsuit over Ohio's execution-secrecy law

From The Plain Dealer Three Ohio death-row inmates facing execution within the next year lost their appeal Wednesday for a lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of Ohio's execution secrecy law.

Inmates Ronald Phillips, Raymond Tibbetts and Robert Van Hook argued that the law, which shields the identities of most participants in Ohio's execution process, violates their First Amendment and other constitutional rights.

A federal judge in Columbus dismissed the case in 2015, agreeing with the state's arguments that the rules would not infringe on free speech and that the plaintiffs' case was "based on conjectural or hypothetical" injuries. The majority of a three-judge panel from the 6th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals agreed with the lower court's decision.

The inmates' suit challenged the constitutionality of House Bill 663, signed by Gov. John Kasich in 2014. It says Ohio must keep secret the names of people involved with executions, other than top officials.

It also protects the identity of small-scale drug manufacturers called compounding pharmacies if they make lethal-injection drugs for the state.

The law was passed in the wake of a lethal injection cocktail the state used on Preble County murderer Dennis McGuire in January 2014. Witnesses said he gasped, choked and clenched his fists while taking an unexpectedly long 25 minutes to die.

Proponents of the rules say they are needed to protect people involved in the execution process from harassment and potential harm.

The state will resume executions in January using a new cocktail.

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Columbiana County public records dispute continues

From The Review Columbiana County Republican Party Chairman David Johnson has become involved in the records dispute between the county Democratic Party chairman and county Recorder Theresa Bosel by filing public records requests of his own.

Johnson told the newspaper he has filed the following records requests with:

–Madison Township, seeking financial records, among other information. The township fiscal officer is Tiffany Chetock, Bosel’s Democratic opponent in the Nov. 8 election.

–County Treasurer’s Office: Nick Barborak, the Democratic Party chairman, served as treasurer from 2007-12.

–County Bar Association. Barborak, an attorney, was in partnership with his sister, Virginia Barborak, who is in jeopardy of having her law license suspended for misusing more than $150,000 in client funds. The matter is pending before the Ohio Supreme Court.

Johnson contacted the newspaper to weigh in after reading Tuesday’s story about Barborak issuing a press release criticizing Bosel for allegedly dragging her feet in complying with a records request Barborak filed with her on Sept. 29. Johnson said he filed his records requests on Oct. 14.

Johnson accused Barborak of deliberately filing an inadequate records request knowing Bosel could not legally comply, and then using her response asking for more details to create a campaign issue.

“Nick Barborak is trying to prosecute this campaign in the newspapers … His letter was purposely so he could issue a press release,” he said. “They were losing the election when they took it to the newspaper. This a typical Don Gosney/Nick Barborak tactic.”

Gosney, the former long-time county Democratic Party chairman, died in 1989. Barborak, 41, was elected party chairman earlier this year.

Johnson said Chetock has yet to provide him with the requested records. “The only response I’ve gotten from her is she’ll get back to me. When will that be? After the election?” he asked.

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Dispatch editorial: Autopsies are public records

Editorial from The Columbus Dispatch

For the better part of two months, The Dispatch has waged a fight against Ohio’s chief law enforcement officer to get him to comply with state law and release public records.

The newspaper has been flatly denied, then stalled by fruitless mediation before finally being provided last week with the requested documents — which were so heavily redacted as to make them useless. Imagine the first sentence of this editorial with every word blacked out except for “The Dispatch,” and the situation becomes obvious.

The case now heads to the Ohio Supreme Court, where there is a strong likelihood that Ohio Attorney General Mike DeWine will be admonished to release the full final autopsy reports of the eight Rhoden family members slaughtered in rural Pike County in April. DeWine’s compliance with public-records law falls far short of what the state requires, as stipulated in a public-records guidebook his own office publishes.

The Dispatch and the Cincinnati Enquirer each have filed lawsuits arguing that these autopsy reports are public records and cannot be withheld or redacted.

Our interest isn’t in lurid detail. Reporters, like police, see enough unimaginable horrors to keep them up at night. Reporters and editors exercise judgment on a daily basis to decide which details are important for the public to know, or which are too offensive or intimate to report.

DeWine, whose office took charge of the investigation, told Dispatch Editor Alan D. Miller that his biggest fear is that release of the autopsy documents would harm the criminal investigation. But police have previously furnished the Dispatch autopsy reports on other cases, hoping to elicit leads.

Public officials don’t get to pick and choose which laws to follow. Allowing these records to be withheld sets a dangerous precedent. What if a mass contagion broke out, and officials decided it would be easier not to alert the public? It is worrisome to establish an exemption that government can use for years to come to withhold information.

We believe DeWine is sincere in his reasons for concealing these public records, but he is misguided.

“There is a strong argument — strong — that the final autopsy report is a public record,” said David Marburger, a lawyer and expert in public-records law.

The victims’ families have been left to imagine the worst about their loved ones’ last moment. The dead range in age from 16 to 44; three young children, including a newborn, were spared.

“At this point,” Tony Rhoden said in late July, “the family just wants answers — answers to anything, you know? We deserve that.”

The public also deserves answers, even if several Rhoden family members — they appear to have been counseled by investigators —have curiously reversed their position on releasing the records.

But the community is also a victim. It too lives in fear.

And far from damaging the investigation, the autopsy reports might help solve the case. It is possible someone could realize they have information that could shed light on what happened and lead law-enforcement to the perpetrators of these brutal, calculated murders.

Information redacted from the reports could tell the public the caliber of the firearms used (indicating the number of shooters from multiple guns), reveal other nonfatal injuries and answer whether the victims were drugged so they couldn’t flee.

By withholding the full autopsy reports, DeWine provokes public suspicion and raises questions about a five-month-long investigation that, to the public’s eye, appears stalled. He should release these records.

State Senator LaRose: Bring Ohio campaign finance reporting into the 21st century

By State Senator Frank LaRose, The Cleveland Plain Dealer If elections are the vehicle of our democracy, technology is the engine that propels them forward efficiently. Unfortunately, by no fault of their own, county boards of elections are stuck with a horse and buggy when it comes to campaign finance reporting. While campaign committees and state candidates such as myself have used an electronic filing system for the past 15 years, county boards of elections can only accept paper reports because state law has failed to keep pace with modern technology.


In 2016, Ohioans should have the opportunity to view local campaign finance reports online as they already have the ability to review reports from state candidates. Full transparency demands nothing less.

With the enthusiastic support of the bipartisan Ohio Association of Elections Officials, I authored legislation to remove the paper-only requirement that still regulates municipal, county and local candidates and campaign committees that file with county boards of elections. In this day and age, it's shocking that a candidate or campaign committee would have to drop off a pile of paperwork at their county elections office to meet current legal requirements.

The concept is straightforward: Amended Senate Bill 206 would update Ohio's campaign finance law by allowing campaign finance reports to be filed electronically. This legislation passed the Senate with unanimous bipartisan support in May, and it will be referred to a House committee in the fall when the legislature returns.

County boards of elections would still be responsible for overseeing this process and auditing the reports, as well as training and assisting filers.

For the sake of transparency and accountability, Ohio citizens must have the ability to examine the finances of the political candidates and committees that campaign for their vote. Ultimately, these facts and figures tell a more objective story than any campaign ad or speech ever could. If we hope to keep Ohio voters informed and engaged in the decisions affecting their communities, we have to use modern means of communication.

Since 1999, the Ohio secretary of state's office has operated an online campaign finance database that provides information that is easy to search, download and analyze. If enacted, Senate Bill 206 would open the same database to county boards of elections, creating access to campaign finance reports for state and local candidates in the same place for those candidates who file electronically. Adding to the current database would save the public from having to search for campaign finance data in two different places, streamline filing requirements for candidates and eliminate unnecessary paperwork for local boards of elections. The legislation would also help Ohio's dedicated investigative journalists to do their jobs more effectively. There are only winners in this scenario.

As an elected official, I have actively championed legislation to make elections as efficient, transparent and accessible as possible for voters. In the past year alone, I have supported a budget amendment to fund electronic poll books statewide, authored legislation that will bring online voter registration to Ohio, and proposed a more fair and bipartisan way of drawing congressional district lines.

Some of these proposals attract more controversy than others, but modernizing Ohio's campaign finance law should not be a subject of contention. Put simply, Senate Bill 206 cuts red tape and administrative paperwork while improving transparency in local elections. In providing easy access to voters, Ohio has long been a national leader. Modernizing campaign finance law is another commonsense measure to continue this trend. Respectfully, I call on my colleagues in the Ohio House to take this important measure into serious consideration when we return to Columbus this fall.

It's time to put the buggy in the barn and let local candidates and elections officials join the modern world.

Republican State Sen. Frank LaRose of Hudson represents the 27th Ohio Senate District, encompassing all or part of Stark, Summit and Wayne counties.

Public record requests driving Huber Heights to consider new employee

From The Dayton Daily News

Vice Mayor Tyler Starline proposed researching whether hiring a new, part-time public records employee would assist Clerk of Council Anthony Rodgers, who said the requests can at times take up to one-third of his time in the office.

“It ebbs and flows, but it seems like it’s flowing now,” Rodgers said during a recent council work session. “The problem is we’re getting increasingly complex levels of requests.”

Among those requests, Rodgers said, are requests from elected officials. Council members have disagreed over whether they are subject to having to file records requests.

Public records have been at the center of several controversies in Huber Heights in recent months, resulting in several internal investigations and, in one case, a request for Ohio Auditor of State Dave Yost to investigate. The request was rejected.

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Cities have patchwork approach to releasing police body camera videos

From The Wall Street Journal As protests raged this week over the police shooting of a black man, Charlotte police have refused to show the public footage of the incident that was captured on a police body camera. The family of 43-year-old Keith Scott, who was killed Sept. 20, has called for the video’s release, but Charlotte police Chief Kerr Putney has so far declined, saying it would imperil the investigation and further inflame the city.

Around 1,000 miles away in Tulsa, Okla., police on Monday released footage from a helicopter and dashboard camera of a Tulsa officer shooting and killing 40-year-old Terence Crutcher last Friday. The video shows Mr. Crutcher walking toward his car with his hands raised and then placing hands on the top of the car before the view from both videos is blocked and shots ring out.

“We will do the right thing, we will not cover anything up—that is not in our DNA,” said Tulsa Police Chief Chuck Jordan at a news conference just before the videos were released.

The two approaches illustrate a widening divide over whether to show video footage to the public from body cameras and other sources, technology embraced by police officials as a way to increase transparency and accountability after police killings of black men sparked protests around the country.

Departments invested tens of millions in the new technology, but there is no universally accepted standard for handling the video it produces. Some departments have decided to publicly release video early in the hopes of heading off violent protests and building trust with minority communities; others are holding back, arguing releases could harm investigations.

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Jack Greiner column: If police body camera footage isn't public, what's the point?

By Jack Greiner, published in The Cincinnati Enquirer A lawyer friend of mine, Steve Zansberg, recently published an opinion piece in Government Technology magazine which discusses both the benefits of making police body camera footage public and the negative consequences of not doing so. It’s a thoughtful and well-reasoned argument.

Steve uses this analogy: “Imagine if Congress had funded the National Institutes of Health to develop an antibiotic to combat a contagious disease. And, using millions of dollars of taxpayer funds, such a drug was created. But then local health-care providers improperly administered it to patients, thereby exacerbating the spread of the infection.”

The point he is making is Congress did indeed allocate money to the implementation of body camera technology: $20 million, which is less than the $75 million President Barack Obama originally requested, but still a significant sum. And it did so following the ugly events in Ferguson, Missouri, where police conduct and accountability were front-page issues. While police body cameras serve many purposes, among them is the notion that recording police/public interactions will help restore public confidence in the work our police perform day in and day out.

We know from the New Testament that it makes no sense to light a lamp and put it under a basket. But that is exactly what’s happening with body camera footage in states across the country. As Steve’s article points out, Kansas, North Carolina and South Carolina just this year have enacted laws making body camera footage exempt from state Open Records Acts. In Ohio, local prosecutors, with the aid of the attorney general, have advocated before the Ohio Supreme Court for the notion that prosecutors should have complete discretion when and whether to release the footage.

That position is wrong on a multitude of levels. Most wrong is it denies the public the opportunity to see the dangerous job we ask our police to perform and to see that, in the overwhelming majority of cases, the police do it courageously and well. Nearly as wrong is the suspicion and distrust it sows. The New Testament actually provides a guide again in John’s Gospel: “men loved the darkness rather than the light, for their works were evil. For everyone who practices evil hates the light, and does not come to the light, lest his works be reproved.” It’s human nature – when people try to hide information, we tend to think it’s because the information is damaging to them.

Zansberg’s article contains this illuminating concluding passage:

"Policies that deny public access to body-worn camera recordings are fundamentally counter-productive. They defeat the very purpose for deploying the cameras in the first place. As Chuck Wexler, executive director of the Police Executive Research Forum, puts it, 'With certain limited exceptions ... body-worn camera video footage should be made available to the public upon request ... because doing so enables police departments to demonstrate transparency and openness in their interactions with members of the community.' Conversely, withholding the recordings feeds the public's suspicion that there is something to hide."

I couldn’t have said it better myself.